Five Books in a Week

I misjudged the due date of an assignment and ended up reading five books in a week to write a comparative essay. A comparative essay is when you read different books on the same subject and synthesize them to better understand the subject. In this case the subject was CORE (Congress of Racial Equality). CORE was one of the key groups of the Civil Rights Movement and the one most associated with the doctrine of nonviolence. Here are my thoughts on the books, the brief views around which I framed the larger paper:

Core: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement, 1942-1968. By August Meier and Elliot Rudwick. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973.)

The primary work on the history of CORE was written in 1973. Core: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement, 1942-1968, by August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, is “a study of the rise and decline of one of the leading civil rights organizations of the twentieth century.” Certainly the most exhaustive of the works dedicated to CORE, it examines the development, successes, failures, and changes of the influential organization that pioneered nonviolence, articulating the philosophy to a generation that would use it to reshape America.

The authors begin with a study of the formation of CORE, an organization expressly dedicated to Gandhian nonviolence and interracial action. The organization was intellectually elitist at first, the authors claim, yet still extremely democratic and the most integrated of all the major civil rights organizations. In fact, CORE even faulted the widely respected A. Philip Randolph, from whom they acquired some of their tactics, for not involving more whites in his efforts.

The early efforts of CORE culminated in the Journey of Reconciliation, which didn’t help the growth or notoriety of the organization in the public eye but did serve to inspire its members. In the early 1950s, CORE suffered during the McCarthy era as it was unfairly painted as a haven for communists and communist sympathizers. Furthermore, though racism was hardly cured in the North, there was little left to legally integrate using the preferred tactics of CORE and these factors, according to the authors, led to the decline of the organization, its low point coming in 1954.

The sit-ins of the early 1960s reinvigorated CORE, propelling them “into the front rank among Negro protest organizations.” The authors claim that CORE had an indirect influence on the four students who popularized the tactic in Greensboro, North Carolina, and a more direct affect on the subsequent movement. “CORE could legitimately take much of the credit for the desegregation that occurred in the South,” the authors assert. Soon after, the organization undertook the Freedom Ride, “the most momentous single event in CORE’s entire history.” From there, CORE used its surging popularity to expand into other areas of the movement. The organization tackled voting rights in the South and problems facing the ghetto in the North, chiefly discrimination in housing and employment. At this juncture, James Farmer became the leader of the organization, providing the charisma it needed to realize the heyday of its existence. 1963 was the highpoint, according to the authors.

During the subsequent era, CORE underwent several changes. The role of whites in the organization diminished, first in the South, although CORE was still more diverse than other organizations. The rise of Black Nationalism gave CORE a revolutionary edge. The thrust of the movement became more militant as new tactics were embraced. The organization’s commitment to nonviolence waned as CORE became ambiguous on the issue and began to embrace armed defense when confronted with the reality of hostility. At the same time, there was a decline in the effectiveness of direct action, which the authors call a “limited instrument.” Finally, CORE underwent a “crisis of victory,” in the words of A. Philip Randolph. CORE, and the civil rights struggle in general, had accomplished all they could using the doctrine of strict nonviolence. The philosophy of nonviolence had found so much success that it had nowhere left to go. Other means would have to take the movement to the next level. For all these reasons, the organization fragmented and came out smaller and less influential.

The authors see CORE as a vital part of the Civil Rights Movement, perhaps the most important organization in the creation of nonviolence. They state their case well and leave little doubt as to its truth, although the direct action phase of the movement had a limited timeframe and CORE was largely unable to adapt to new realities. Their book is largely free of apparent bias, presenting a fair assessment of CORE’s history.

The authors draw on a wide array of sources. This provides a more critical look at CORE than other attempts at understanding the organization. The book is extremely detailed and leaves nearly no corner of CORE’s history untouched. Core: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement, 1942-1968 is the best available scholarly work on the organization.

CORE and the Strategy of Nonviolence. By Inge Powell Bell. (New York: Random House, 1968.)

Inge Powell Bell’s CORE and the Strategy of Nonviolence is a sociological study of the organization that helped shape the Civil Rights Movement, as well as an examination of the shifting strategies employed by CORE. Bell primarily seeks to understand how the organization developed the strategy of nonviolence and how it eventually rejected the doctrine.

Bell divides the history of CORE into three distinct eras. From 1942 to 1961 the organization was involved in “small-scale direct action.” From 1961-1964 it chose “mass direct action” as its preferred method for change. After that point, CORE chiefly concerned itself with “ghetto organization.” After a brief history of the struggle for equality, Bell focuses on the second phase of CORE’s history. She analyzes the group’s ideology and its influences, concluding that very little was new in their stated goals as they simply wanted America to live up to its promises. The radical break in ideology is found in the expressed means to the goal, nonviolence. She then studies the organization of CORE and the social backgrounds of its members, which she categorizes as typically from more affluent families yet still outside the established leadership class. She continues with the typical differences in ideology between white and black members, who were more prone to adapt radical strategy because the movement was more personal to their lives. The book concludes with an examination of the changing strategy of CORE, a shift from nonviolence to self-defense. “The commitment to nonviolence was not only shallow but also weak, for it rested on psychological foundations that were destined to be eroded away by the progress of the movement itself,” Bell states, concluding that nonviolence fit the specific needs of the struggle during the early 1960s, but that it soon outlived its utility.

CORE was chosen as the focus of the study because of its diversity. Unlike other civil rights organizations, its white membership was substantial. Bell acknowledges that CORE was only one of four influential organizations, standing among the NAACP, SCLC, and SNCC. She acknowledges that CORE was relatively unknown until the Freedom Ride of 1961. This suggests that CORE’s importance is not as great as the other organizations, yet they are important for their development and commitment to the doctrine of nonviolence, an idea Bell calls “essentially alien to American culture.”

Bell primarily relies on interviews with CORE members for her sources, with the organization’s promotional literature also considered. She admits that relying on insider knowledge does not tell the whole story, but in her quest to understand the inner workings of CORE, these sources serve her well. Bell admits the book’s limitations and does not attempt to turn it into anything more. Its chief weakness is in its organization. At times the chapters seem scattered, lacking the flow of a quality narrative. Still, CORE and the Strategy of Nonviolence provides an excellent glimpse into the evolving philosophy of CORE, an organization vital to the struggle for equality.

Freedom – When? By James Farmer. (New York: Random House, 1965.)

The name James Farmer is synonymous with CORE. Though he was not the only figure involved in the organization’s inception and advancement, he is widely known as the father of CORE. Much later, he also headed the organization. Any attempt at understanding the organization must consider his writings. Freedom – When? is his assessment of CORE as it stood at the crossroads, a history of its origins, successes, and changes, as well as an assessment of its future.

Farmer begins the book by painting a picture of CORE in action. He relates the story of their voter registration drive in the summer of 1963 in Plaquemine, Louisiana. The protesters were surrounded by recently deputized white citizens, full of fury and anxious to overcome the “outside agitators,” chiefly Farmer. He escaped only by hiding in a hearse.

After the dramatic opening, Farmer assesses the status of CORE, defending the organization against its growing number of critics who suggested that it had outlived its usefulness, that its nonviolent tactics were outdated. He states that CORE still tried to find a peaceful middle ground, but admitted that “the area of their effectiveness seems to be rapidly dwindling,” which he partially blames on the impatient youth of the movement. Direct action protests are the method in question and Farmer defends them as a tactic, claiming that “demonstrations in the last few years have provided literally millions of Negroes with their first taste of self-determination and political self-expression.” Farmer then states that the movement must show a willingness to never back down, that it must never be intimidated by white backlash. He concludes that demonstrations are still useful, though they are not the only effective means for change.

Farmer then explains the history and ideological development of CORE, an organization “born… out of a hope for peace.” “We were very young and idealistic,” Farmer states while explaining the movement’s dedication to the principles of nonviolence. “Nonviolence was more than a method to us, it was a total way of life, filling us with love and flooding the world with the golden light of unlimited possibility.”

Appealing to the masses was always important to CORE. Their intention was always to involve local people in their processes, to understand the immediate local needs and apply CORE tactics to the situation. As the needs of the oppressed changed, the challenge “was that of giving a certain amount of direction to the movement and imposing on it the control of nonviolence, without inhibiting the spontaneity of self-expression of thousands of newly aroused Negroes.” CORE followed the needs of those they served and had moved to the inner city slums in the aftermath of the more celebrated civil rights campaigns.

Farmer then addresses CORE’s transformation into a “Negro organization,” steeped in Black Nationalism. Farmer embraces this change, stating that pride in one’s identity is necessary. He speaks to the acceptance of violence in this militant wing of the movement, claiming that self-defense is acceptable but that too much violence could lead to racial war.

Subsequent chapters cover integration and a trip to Africa by Farmer. He ends the book by addressing the future of CORE, which needed to delve into economic justice, stress political participation, and fight for community development, all while still focusing on a continually changing civil rights movement. Traditional tactics were still useful, but new means would be required for continuing success. Farmer still saw CORE at the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement.

As Farmer is the most notable figure associated with CORE, the organization is naturally portrayed as the most crucial part of the Civil Rights Movement. “I believe that CORE, more than any other civil rights organization, has been responsible, in the quarter century since it was founded, for bringing the Negro’s century-long struggle for freedom and equality into the streets,” Farmer asserts.

Freedom – When? is will-written and informative as a primary document. Its impartiality must be considered carefully as the author is the most notable figure in the organization. The biggest weakness in the book is that it seems unfocused. Certain chapters, such as the one on Farmer’s trip to Africa, seem out of place and disjointed in the larger narrative. Farmer calls the book a “sum of my reflections” on the movement. Though it has inherent weaknesses, Freedom – When? is still crucial to the understanding of CORE and the larger civil rights struggle. Best seen as a manifesto of an organization at the crossroads of the struggle, it provides unique inside into the mind of its leader.

Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement. By James Farmer. (New York: Arbor House, 1985.)

Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement, by James Farmer, the architect of CORE, is a highly personal autobiography of a man crucial to the development of the Civil Rights Movement. The book provides insight to the movement from an author with firsthand knowledge of its details.

The book begins with a retelling of the Freedom Ride before covering Farmer’s early life in Texas, recounting his early exposure to racism, against which he vowed to never surrender. Indeed, Farmer recounts how he developed a rebellious attitude to the injustices he saw his father face. Farmer then covers his move to Chicago after college to work for FOR, before flashing back to his college experience where he developed the ideology that would influence the struggle for civil rights. “Segregation will go on as long as we permit it to,” Farmer remembers concluding. “Words are not enough; there must be action.”

He then writes about his early experimentation with direct action and the formation of CORE, an organization for whose foundation he takes the credit. He takes issue with the classic scholarly study by Meier and Rudwick, claiming that he was more responsible for founding CORE than the historians suggest. “I founded CORE, you know,” Farmer claims at one point. Farmer then gives a detailed explanation of the intellectual development of the organization. An interesting slant not otherwise covered is the organization’s rejection of communist ideals and support.

The rise of Martin Luther King, Jr. with the Montgomery Bus Boycott changed everything for CORE. Though Farmer largely fails to address the declines of CORE, he does stress the importance of the organization to the larger movement. “If we had plowed the ground for a decade and a half,” Farmer states, “the Montgomery movement has fertilized it and put the seed in, and now the plants were growing and spreading. No longer did we have to explain nonviolence to everyone.” The ideology of nonviolence was the brainchild of CORE, Farmer maintains.

CORE then received another boost from the sit-in movement. Farmer does give credit to SNCC for their tenacity in the struggle and their cooperation with CORE. “The greatest tactical oversight of my life was that I did not… move for a merger of CORE and SNCC. Such a step was possible in the wake of the Freedom Ride and would have unified the action wing of the movement as nothing else would,” Farmer states, hinting at an unfortunate rivalry beneath his congenial words.

Farmer then covers the shift of CORE into the urban ghettos and the rising black consciousness the movement. That CORE was traditionally steeped in white leadership was the organization’s “Achilles’ heel,” Farmer states. At this point, CORE was in decline, “eating away at itself,” Farmer claims. Farmer left CORE and addresses his life after the organization, glossing over the organization’s subsequent history, which makes the book seem more like an autobiography of Farmer rather than the movement, as the subtitle suggests. The book concludes by asserting that much more still needs to be accomplished in the struggle for equality.

Farmer relies on his firsthand knowledge of the movement as his primary source, as the book is largely an autobiography. CORE is the central organization of the Civil Rights Movement, according to Farmer, and he was central to the organization. Though these sentiments are confirmed to some degree by other sources, the claims sometimes seem like mild hyperbole. The book is highly personal and a valuable primary document, among others, to the understanding of the larger movement. Though the book’s organization often seems scattered and it fails to address crucial portions of the organization’s history, Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement must be considered in any attempt to understand the history of CORE.

Strategies for Freedom: the Changing Patterns of Black Protest. By Bayard Rustin. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976.)

The philosophical Bayard Rustin, nicknamed “the uncle of CORE,” was influential in the founding of the organization. He was also influential in the larger movement as an adviser to Martin Luther King, Jr., although this role was limited due to controversy surrounding his homosexuality and alleged ties to communism. His dedication to nonviolence helped steer the movement down the successful path it traveled.

Among his voluminous writings stands Strategies for Freedom: the Changing Patterns of Black Protest, a history of the evolving philosophy of the Civil Rights Movement written by someone influential in its direction. Underlying the book’s chronological retelling of the movement is the thesis that all successful protest movements must be rooted in three principles: an integral framework, nonviolence, and coalition politics. Other, more fragmented or violent tactics do not find success and Rustin cites both Marcus Garvey and the militant wings of the movement as examples.

Rustin starts at the beginning of the twentieth century where repression, terrorism, and political indifference combined to keep a racial caste system in place. Rustin cites the socialists and communists as two organizations that might have made a difference had they cared more about the plight of blacks. Instead, the NAACP was the agent for what little progress was made, though Rustin points out that they lacked the larger strategy needed for success and failed to understand that the problem was chiefly economic.

During the Great Depression, the New Deal and the rise of unions provided encouragement for the movement. The NAACP started seeing promising victories and A. Philip Randolph developed the organized protest tactics that the movement would find most successful. He cites the proposed march on Washington in 1941 against discrimination in the wartime workplace as the first great example of the effectiveness of this method of protest against a government that only acted when forced. A united strength was needed, as well as specific complaints that could be addressed.

From there, Rustin claims CORE formed the specific tactics of nonviolent protest, based on the principles of Gandhi, and then tested them out with the vital cooperation of Randolph and the NAACP. Slow but profound change occurred until the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the first successful movement in the South. A sustaining mechanism was needed and the SCLC filled the role, rising out of the highly organized black church structure. In subsequent protests, the movement’s nonviolence contrasted with the televised anti-black violence, which worked in the movement’s favor as injustices could no longer be ignored. Victory after victory culminated in the March on Washington in August 1963.

The movement in its initial form ended, according to Rustin, at the 1964 Democratic Convention. The movement now chased political goals and SNCC rejected the compromise that would have led to success in the new arena. The movement suffered further as it failed to address the economic issues now central to the problem. Differences over strategy and tactics led to further fragmentation. A separatist impulse ruled when coalition politics were needed to combat the “traditional enemies – those who have a stake in the status quo and in reinforcing current inequalities.”

Rustin also gives unique insight into the formation of CORE, founded as an outgrowth of FOR on the principles of “democracy, integration, and nonviolence.” According to Rustin, CORE was crucial in determining the doctrine of the Civil Rights Movement. Of course, this means Rustin himself was critical, and his statements must be measured against a sense of self-importance. The movement today bears little resemblance to its heyday, according to Rustin, now run by “black segregationists.” It largely fell out of influence when it was rejected by the more militant wings of the movement.

CORE is presented as a crucial part of the larger movement for equality, especially the philosophical development of nonviolent tactics. While it may not have been the central organization of the movement, Rustin further demonstrates its importance to the struggle, specifically in developing the nonviolent tactics that gave the movement some of its greatest victories.

Strategies for Freedom: the Changing Patterns of Black Protest is an interesting look at the Civil Rights Movement and the formation of CORE from an inside perspective. Certainly the most philosophical book about the organization, the well-written volume has few flaws, except that its opinions must be accepted as potentially nearsighted, as Rustin played a vital role in the history about which he writes. A reader might question, for example, if certain organizations are given more importance than warranted and others are glossed over from personal bias. And Rustin might be too pessimistic about the fate of the movement after the nonviolent tactics close to his heart were rejected. Additionally, the focus on economic inequality as the root of the problem might be construed as overbearing, though his logic is largely convincing. Still, the book is an excellent look at the shifting strategies of the Civil Rights Movement and the intellectual history of CORE.